Episode 17

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Published on:

1st Aug 2025

S2E17 - The Conservative Revival. aup3

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Transcript
Speaker:

Hello y'all.

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It's me.

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It's me.

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It's Dr.

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G.

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The late 1970s for many Americans, it was

a decade that felt of immense decline.

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The ghosts of Vietnam still

haunted the national psyche.

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The shame of Watergate had

eroded faith in the government.

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The economy was crippled by stagflation,

that unholy marriage of stagnant

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growth and soaring inflation, A term

that entered the lexicon to describe

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an economic nightmare in the energy

crisis, saw cars lined up for blocks,

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sometimes for hours just to get gasoline.

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A stark symbol that

America was now vulnerable.

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President Jimmy Carter in a now

famous speech, spoke of a crisis of

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confidence that was gripping the nation.

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It was against this backdrop of anxiety

disillusionment and a palpable sense of

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drift that a powerful, countercurrent,

conservative, long building beneath the

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surface surged into full view, something

that we call the conservative revival.

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How did a nation that had for decades

largely embrace the liberal consensus?

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Forged by FDRs new deal and expanded

by LBJs great society find itself now

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turning so decisively to the right, what

were the intellectual seeds, the social

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anxieties, and the political strategies

that fueled this triumph of the right?

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As our textbook chapter aptly calls it.

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Today we're gonna explore these questions.

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Hearing the voices of those who

championed this change, those who

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resisted it, and those who were caught

in its transformative wake as Ronald

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Reagan, the man who would become the

charismatic, standard bearer of this

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movement, declared in his first inaugural

th,:

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In this present crisis, government

is not the solution to our problem.

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Government is the problem.

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End quote.

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This single powerful sentence

encapsulates a fundamental shift

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in American political philosophy.

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It wasn't just a critique of

current policies, it was a direct

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challenge to the very role of

government that had been dominant.

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For nearly half a century, since the

very depths of the Great Depression,

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this declaration signaled a new era, but

its origins as we see were far from new.

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They were deeply rooted

in the American past.

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The conservative movement that swept

Ronald Reagan into the White House in

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1980 wasn't a sudden apparition conjured

out of the anxieties of the:

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It was the culmination of

decades of intellectual work.

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Political organizing and a

growing multifaceted reaction

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to the perceived excesses and

failures of modern liberalism.

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To understand the new right, we have

to listen for echoes from earlier

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American battles over power and identity,

as well as the role of government.

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The story of the conservative

revival is in many ways a story of

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old arguments, finding new voice

and words as well as new urgency.

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Consider the legacies of reconstruction.

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The period following the Civil War was a

radical experiment in redefining American

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citizenship and the balance of power

between federal governments and states.

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The amendments, the 13th, 14th, and 15th

amendment specifically aim to secure

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the rights of formally enslaved African

Americans, and as historian and Eric Ner

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notes, the 14th Amendment in particular

represented, quote, A profound change in

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federal state relations by empowering the

federal government to protect citizens'

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rights against states' infringements.

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However, reconstruction was met with

fierce conservative resistance, often

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framed in the language of state's rights.

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And as a defense against federal

overreach opponents argued that

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federal intervention was an

unconstitutional imposition, an attempt

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to create an unnatural social order.

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This rhetoric, which successfully

dismantled reconstruction.

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And rolled back.

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Many of the federal protections for

African Americans didn't disappear.

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It became a durable and adaptable tool for

conservative movements throughout the 20th

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century with varying levels of success.

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The same arguments used to resist federal

efforts to ensure racial equality in

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the 1870s were echoed during the civil

rights movements of the:

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1960s to oppose desegregation mandates.

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The new right, growing up in the 1970s

and then forging in the eighties, then

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broadened this appeal to states' rights

in limited federal government to encompass

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critiques of economic regulation,

social welfare programs, and federal

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involvement in education, drawing on a

long historical precedent of skepticism

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towards centralized federal power.

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We can also look to the Gilded Age

of the 19th century, this era of

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unprecedented industrial growth

and technological innovation,

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the rise of mass of corporations.

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You know, the Carnegies, the

Rockefellers, and the Vanderbilts.

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The dominant economic philosophy was

laissez-faire capitalism, a belief that

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the free market with minimum and minimal

government interference would naturally

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produce the most efficient outcomes.

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The debates from this period over

corporate power, the need for

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regulation from the government,

wealth disparity, and the social

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responsibilities of capital never

fully subsided, nor were they settled.

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The new right would later selectively

echo the gilded ages, calls for

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deregulation and free markets arguing

much like their 19th century predecessors,

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that less government intervention

unleashes economic prosperity.

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However, this revival of laissez-faire

principles in the:

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reignite concerns about income

inequality reminiscent of the

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gilded ages, stark social divisions.

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The most direct ancestor of modern

conservatism, however, was the overall

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reaction to FDRs new deal in the 1930s.

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The Great Depression was a

national trauma that led.

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A fundamental reshaping of the American

government's role and the new deal

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created a social safety net, social

security, unemployment insurance, federal

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aid programs, and dramatically expanded

federal power to regulate the economy

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far from laissez-faire principles.

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For many conservatives at the time,

this was an alarming development.

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Republicans and wealthy business

leaders criticized the new deal for

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excessive government intervention for

the high costs, and even drew some

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parallels of FDR to Soviet communism.

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This opposition rooted in the principles

of limited government, individual liberty

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and fiscal prudence became a foundational

element of the conservative movement that

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would gain strength in the post-war years.

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Finally, the post-World War II and

Cold War eras provided another crucial

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ingredient, a fervent anti-communism.

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The global struggle against the Soviet

Union justified a strong national defense

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and assertive foreign policy in a deep

suspicion of ideologies perceived as

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collectivists or threatening American

capitalism and traditional values.

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These themes would become central

to the new right in the R and

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administration's worldview.

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The fear of external communist threats

sometimes blended with anxieties.

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About the internal social

changes, creating a potent mix

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for conservative mobilization.

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The simmering discontent of

these historical echoes needed

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intellectual articulation and

political champions to coalesce into

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a movement, and this took decades.

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Several figures and institutions

however, were pivotal in

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finally becoming successful in

breaking into the mainstream.

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William F.

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Buckley, Jr.

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In his magazine.

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The National Review, which was founded

in:

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role, Buckley and urbane and witty

intellectual aimed to make conservatism

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intellectually respectable.

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I.

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His mission statement for the

National Review famously declared

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that it was, quote, Stan's a thwart

history yelling Stop at a time

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when no one is inclined to do so.

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End quote, Buckley brought together

disparate strands of conservative thought

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free market capitalism, libertarianism,

social traditionalism, and crucially.

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A robust anti-communism.

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He also understood the importance of

gatekeeping working to exclude extremist

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elements like the John Birch Society and

overt anti-Semites from the mainstream

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conservative movement, thereby enhancing

its credibility and respectability.

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Then there was Senator Barry

Goldwater of Arizona, his:

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The Conscience of a Conservative became a

sacred text for this burgeoning movement.

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It passionately advocated for

individualism, the sanctity of private

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property, a staunch anti-communism,

and warned against the dangers of

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continued centralized federal power.

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Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign

ended in a landslide defeat to LBJ,

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but it was a critical organizing

moment for many conservatives.

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His defiant acceptance speech at

the Republican National Convention

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included lines that became a rallying

cry for the next few decades.

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Quote, extremism in the defense of

liberty is no vice, and let me remind you.

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Also that moderation in the pursuit of

justice is no virtue End quote, to many

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moderates, this sounded like radicalism,

but to conservative activists, it

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was an electrifying call to arms, a

rejection of compromise with what they

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saw as an encroaching liberalism of the

:

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neutralized the more liberal wing.

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Of the Republican party, and

significantly he won five states in the

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deep south, a traditional democratic

stronghold up until that point, and

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this signaled the beginning cracks

in the old political order, and it

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foreshadowed the southern strategy that

would later reshape American politics.

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Another key intellectual figure was

Fred Meyer, a senior editor at the

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National Review Meyer articulated the

philosophy of fusion is an attempt

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to unite the often competing impulses

of traditional conservatives who

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emphasize virtue and social order

with libertarians who pr prioritize

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individual freedom and free markets.

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My essential argument as outlined

in several works, but specifically

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in the defense of freedom.

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Was that quote, virtue could reside

only in the individual and that the

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state should protect freedom, but

otherwise leave virtue to individuals.

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End quote, this intellectual

framework was crucial.

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It provided a common ground for economic

libertarians, wary of government

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intervention in the marketplace, as

well as social traditionalists concerned

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about secularism and the decline of moral

absolutes to unite against an expansive.

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Secular liberal state, which

they both saw as a threat.

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This fusion was a key component in

forging the political viable coalition.

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Of the new rights, and we cannot

forget the grassroots energy,

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particularly from young people,

the young Americans for Freedom.

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The YAF founded in 1960 at Buckley's

Estate in Connecticut adopted the

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Sharon Statement as its declaration

of conservative principles, YAF.

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Activists were the foot soldiers of

this early conservative movement playing

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a vital role in Goldwater's campaign

and in cultivating a new generation of

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conservative leaders who had come to

prominence in the decades that followed.

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Now that we backtrack a little bit to some

of the conservative roots that are going

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to coalesce into the new right, we really

have to understand the liberal zenith of

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the 1960s and the early cracks in order

to understand how they all came together.

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The 1960s, the focus of our previous

episode witnessed liberalism reached

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its apex with LBJs Great Society

landmark legislation like the Civil

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Rights Act and the Voting Rights

Act dismantled legal segregation.

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Programs were instituted like

Medicare and Medicaid aimed to provide

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healthcare for the elderly and the poor.

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The Elementary and Secondary

School Act represented the first

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major federal investment in public

education and the war on poverty.

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Through initiatives like the Economic

Opportunity Act of:

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to create pathways out of poverty.

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Yet this very expansion of government

power and social reform began to

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generate significant backlash.

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A new group of intellectuals known

as neo-conservatives emerged.

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Many like Irving Kristol were former

liberals who had grown disillusioned

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with what they had perceived as the

unintended negative consequences

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of great society programs.

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The excesses of the new left

and the weakening of American

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Resolve in the Cold War.

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Crystal argued that Neoconservatives

were not hostile to the idea of a welfare

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state and principle, but were deeply

critical of the Great society version of

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it, whose legislation and programs were

over reaches of the federal government

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and often proved to be counterproductive.

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Simultaneously, the triumphs of the

civil Rights movement, while morally

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imperative and long overdue, provoked

a white backlash, particularly among

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some white southerners and working class

whites in the north, who felt their

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status and security were threatened.

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Richard Nixon and his campaign strategists

skillfully exploited these anxieties.

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They used coded language

like law and Order, and they

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appealed to the silent majority.

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And this became Nixon Southern

strategy aiming to woo white voters

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who were uneasy about rapid racial

change and federal desegregation

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efforts, particularly busing.

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This began a long-term political

realignment as the once solidly

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Democratic South started to shift

toward the Republican party.

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Adding to this volatile mix

were the profound social and

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cultural revolutions of the 1960s.

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The rise of the counterculture

sexual revolution, challenges to

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the traditional family structures,

widespread experimentation with drugs

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and fervent anti-war protests were

deeply unsettling to many more Americans.

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They view these changes as evidence of

moral decay at the heart of America.

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A breakdown of the societal order and

a rejection of the cherished values.

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This created a fertile ground for

political movement that promised

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to return to traditional values

and a restoration of that order.

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The stage was being set

for a dramatic shift.

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If the 1960s were a period of tumultuous

upheaval and for many optimistic change,

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the 1970s often felt like a decade of

decline, a period of national malaise

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as President Carter would later term it.

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This pervasive sense of gloom,

further eroded faith in liberal

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solutions and meticulously paved the

way for a conservative resurgence.

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The decade was punctuated by

a series of crises that shook

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American competence to the core.

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Like we talked about last episode, the

specter of the Vietnam War loomed large.

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This long, divisive war finally

ended in:

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victory Americans had come to expect.

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It left a bitter legacy of over 58,000

American lives lost deep societal

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divisions, a question of American

military power and moral authority,

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as well as profound skepticism

towards government pronouncements.

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Martin Luther King Jr.

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In his Beyond Vietnam speech delivered

in:

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warned of the war's devastating

impact, not just abroad and at home.

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I.

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King's words prove tragically prophetic,

the immense cost of the Vietnam War,

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both in human lives and financial

resources, diverted attention from

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funding the urgent domestic problems.

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This critique that excessive foreign

entanglements drained resources from

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domestic national needs would later

be echoed by conservatives, arguing

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against what they termed as big

spending liberalism, albeit often

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with different priorities in mind.

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Then came Watergate.

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The scandal, which unfolded between

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Nixon's resignation to avoid impeachment,

shattered public trust in the presidency

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and government institutions revelations

of widespread political espionage.

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The coverups abuse of power at

the highest levels fostered a deep

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cynicism among the American populace.

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This cynicism created.

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Fertile opening for political candidates

who promise to restore integrity,

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honesty, and crucially to reduce the

power of a federal government that many

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viewed as inherently untrustworthy and

acting beyond the bounds of the law.

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Economically, the nation was adrift.

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The post World War II economic miracle,

which had fueled the affluent society,

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seemed to sputter and stall Americans face

the bewildering and painful combination

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of high employment and runaway inflation.

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Stagflation prices of everyday

goods soared while wages

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stagnated and jobs became scarcer.

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This economic malaise defied traditional

economic solutions, which had largely

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guided policy since the New Deal and many.

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We're led to question the efficacy of

liberal economic management and solutions.

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Compounding these economic woes was

the energy crisis twice in one decade.

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In 1973, and again in 79, the

oil embargoes led to skyrocketing

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fuel prices and memorably.

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The long frustrating lies at gas stations.

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These crises brought American

dependence on foreign oil and its

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broader economic vulnerability home

in a very tangible and unsettling way.

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It underscored a new sense

of limits, a feeling that

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American abundance and autonomy.

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We're no longer guaranteed

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out of this pervasive

gloom and disillusionment.

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The new right emerged not just as

an intellectual current, but as a

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potent organized political force.

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It was a coalition of previously

distinct groups who found common cause

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in their opposition to contemporary

liberalism and their desire for a

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different direction for the country.

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This coalition is often described

as resting on three legs of a stool,

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the first being fiscal conservatism.

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These were individuals and groups,

including many business leaders in a

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growing number of ordinary citizens

who advocated for lower taxes.

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Reduced government spending,

particularly on social programs and

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widespread deregulation of the economy.

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They were frustrated by high

taxes, persistent inflation, and

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what they saw as a burdensome

government filled with regulations

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that stifled the economic growth.

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Individual initiative.

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The second leg was social conservatives,

often referred to as the religious right.

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This rapidly going and highly

mobilized segment was deeply

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concerned with by what they perceived

as the moral decay of the nation.

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The.

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Key catalyst for their activism

included the Supreme Court's.

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1973 Roe v.

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Wade Decision legalizing

abortion nationwide.

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The removal also of organized

prayer from public school.

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There was rising divorce rates, the

perceived decline of the traditional

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family, and the growing visibility and

assertiveness of the gay rights movement.

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A pivotal figure in mobilizing this

group was the Reverend Jerry Falwell,

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a Baptist minister, and televangelist

founded the Moral Majority in:

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Falwell articulated the frustrations

of many religious conservatives when he

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said quote a few years ago, we were told

that religion and politics don't mix.

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We were told politics is dirty business.

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You fellows run your churches and will

run the government, and they've done that

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right in the ground in our country today.

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I never really believe that a

Supreme Court of this country

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would legalize abortion on demand,

which I totally agree with.

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The Roman Catholic Church is murder.

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End quote.

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Falwell's call to action was a

direct rejection of the notion

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that religion should remain

confined to the private sphere.

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He and other religious leaders,

the the religious right men like

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Pat Robertson, who founded the

Christian Broadcasting Network, and

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the later Christian coalition frame.

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Political engagement now

as a moral imperative.

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Their goal was to restore traditional

family values as they put it,

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to fight against what they saw

as societal evils, like abortion

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and pornography, and to reassert

Christian morality into public life.

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I.

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Added to this was another highly effective

mobilizer of social conservatives.

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Phyllis Schafly, her organization, the

Stop, ERA, stop Taking Our Privileges.

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She led a remarkable, successful

grassroots campaign against the

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ratification of the Equal Rights

Amendment, which had been on the verge

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of ratification in the early 1970s.

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Schlafly argued that the ERA rather

than liberating women would actually

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strip them of existing protections

and undermine traditional gender

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roles in the family structure.

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In her 1972 manifesto, what's

wrong with Equal Rights for Women?

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She family asked quote, why

should we lower ourselves to

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equal rights when we already have

the status of special privilege?

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End quote.

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Schlafly's argument resonated powerfully

with women who valued traditional

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homemaker roles and feared that

the ERA would lead to undesirable

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social changes, such as women being

drafted into combat, the erosion

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of alimony and unisex bathrooms.

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Her campaign was a masterclass

in grassroots organizing and

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effectively halted the era's momentum.

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Still to this day, not ratified, and

it demonstrated the political power

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of mobilized social conservatives.

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The third leg of the new right

was comprised of national

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security conservatives.

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This group, which included

many neo-conservatives.

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Advocated for a strong military,

an assertive staunchly, anti-Soviet

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foreign policy, and a rejection of

the Deante policies of the:

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They believed the United States

needed to project strength on

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the global stage to counter the

perceived threat of Soviet expansion.

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A clear indicator of the

anti-government sentiment during

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this period was the tax revolt.

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This movement gained national

attention with the passage of

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California's Proposition 13 in

:

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drastically cut property taxes.

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It was a landmark victory for fiscal

conservatives and inspired similar tax

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cutting efforts nationwide, singling a

widespread public desire for lower taxes

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and a smaller government footprint.

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Themes, the new right would

champion with great success.

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Crucially, the new right also

began to attract a new group

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of voters, Reagan Democrats.

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These were traditionally democratic

voters, often white working class union

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members, particularly from industrial

regions in the north and the Midwest.

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They became increasingly disillusioned

with the Democratic Party, which they

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perceived as having shifted its focus

towards minority rights, to social

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liberalism and a foreign policy they saw.

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As insufficiently strong for the

world today, these voters felt their

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economic concerns were being ignored.

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As stagflation and de-industrialization

soared and social programs seem

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to disproportionately benefit

others to the detriment of them, I.

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Issues like rising crime rates.

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Court ordered busing

for school integration.

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Affirmative action policies fueled

their anxieties and furthered their

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resentments as democratic pollster.

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Stan Greenberg found in his

influential study of these voters.

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In Macomb County, Michigan,

they quote no longer saw the

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Democratic Party as champions of

their working class aspirations,

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but instead saw them as working

primarily for the benefit of others.

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The very poor feminists, the

unemployed African Americans,

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Latinos, and other groups.

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End quote, Ronald Reagan's message

of economic optimism, traditional

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values, patriotism, and a

strong America resonated deeply.

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With this and other demographics

just mentioned, leading to a

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significant crossover vote that

would be instrumental in the sweeping

382

:

Republican victories in the 1980s.

383

:

This was not a mere political shift.

384

:

This was a.

385

:

Cultural and class-based realignment

driven by a potent combination of economic

386

:

insecurity and cultural anxieties.

387

:

I know it took 27 minutes to get here, but

we cannot understand the Reagan revolution

388

:

this morning again, in America without

understanding how conservatism worked.

389

:

The optimistic slogan from Ronald Reagan's

:

390

:

essence of the era that he ushered in.

391

:

His decisive victory in 1980, and even in

larger landslide in 84, Harold did what

392

:

many had called the Reagan Revolution,

a period that sought to fundamentally

393

:

reshape the American economy.

394

:

Its foreign policy, and the very role of

government in the lives of its citizens.

395

:

Now, Ronald Reagan was a former actor.

396

:

He was also the former governor

of California, and he possessed

397

:

a unique ability to connect

with the American people.

398

:

His optimistic demeanor, his powerful

communication skills earned him the

399

:

moniker of the great communicator.

400

:

He also had an unwavering belief

in American exceptionalism, and

401

:

these were key to his appeal.

402

:

He promised to restore American

strength, but maybe more importantly,

403

:

to restore pride in the country and

the prosperity that they perceived

404

:

was a drift and decline in the 1970s.

405

:

His 1980 campaign themes

were very clear and direct.

406

:

Lower taxes reduced government spending

with the notable exception of a massive

407

:

military buildup for the Cold War,

but also a revolutionized economy, a

408

:

strong national defense to confront

head-on the Soviet Union and a return

409

:

to traditional American values.

410

:

He tapped into a deep well of frustration

and a yearning for change that I

411

:

spent the majority of this episode

th,:

412

:

In his first inaugural address,

he laid out the philosophical

413

:

cornerstone of his presidency with that

unforgettable line that I started with.

414

:

In this present crisis, government

is not the solution to our problem.

415

:

Government is the problem.

416

:

This was more than just rhetoric.

417

:

It was a clarion call of

the Reagan revolution.

418

:

It signaled a dramatic departure from

the post New Deal consensus that had

419

:

largely accepted and even embraced an

active role for the federal government.

420

:

In addressing social and economic issues.

421

:

At the heart of the Reagan

domestic agenda was a bold and

422

:

controversial economic philosophy.

423

:

Popularly known as Reaganomics and

intellectual underpinning of Reaganomics

424

:

was supply side economics, often

associated with the Laffer Curve.

425

:

Economist Arthur Laffer famously argued.

426

:

Reportedly sketching his curve on a napkin

for Ford administration officials, Dick

427

:

Cheney and Ronald Donald Rumsfeld in 1974.

428

:

That high tax rates actually discourage

work, investment and production,

429

:

thereby reducing overall tax revenue.

430

:

I.

431

:

The theory posited that cutting tax

rates, particularly for businesses and

432

:

higher income earners, would incentivize

them to invest more, create more

433

:

jobs, and stimulate economic growth.

434

:

This increased economic activity in turn

would lead to overall higher tax revenues.

435

:

Even at lower rates, a concept critics

often derided as trickle down economics.

436

:

The first major legislative victory

for Reaganomics was the Economic

437

:

Recovery Tax Act of 1981, the ERTA.

438

:

This landmark bill enacted a phased

in 25% cut in individual income

439

:

tax rates over three years with the

top marginal rate of income falling

440

:

significantly from 70% to 50%.

441

:

The ERTA also provided substantial

tax breaks for corporations including

442

:

accelerated depreciation for investments.

443

:

This was followed by the Tax Reform

Act of:

444

:

the top individual income tax rate

to 28% and simplified the tax code.

445

:

Alongside these tax cuts, the

Reagan administration aggressively

446

:

pursued deregulation across

a wide range of industries.

447

:

Price controls on oil and gas were lifted.

448

:

Restrictions on the financial

services industries were

449

:

reduced, notably with the Gar St.

450

:

Germaine Depository Institutions Act

of:

451

:

savings and loans associations,

enforcement of environmental

452

:

regulations such as the Clean Air Act.

453

:

Were relaxed and public lands were opened

up for more oil drilling and logging.

454

:

The overarching goal was to

reduce the perceived burden of

455

:

government on businesses and to

promote free market competition.

456

:

A defining moment for the Reagan

administration's stance on labor

457

:

came early in August of 1981 with the

PATCO strike when the professional air

458

:

traffic controllers organizations, one

of the few unions to endorse Reagan

459

:

in 1980, they went on strike demanding

for better pay and working conditions.

460

:

Reagan's response was

swift and uncompromising.

461

:

Declaring the strike illegal because

the controllers were federal employees.

462

:

He gave them 48 hours to return to

work when most refused, he fired

463

:

over 11,000 striking air controllers

and permanently barred them from

464

:

federal service decertify The union.

465

:

While Reagan stated the strike was a

matter of public safety and upholding the

466

:

law, his actions were widely interpreted

as a powerful sign of a new, tougher

467

:

government stance against organized labor.

468

:

As labor historian Joseph, a McCartan

noted this event, quote, inspired

469

:

private sector employees to imitate

his strike breaking end quote, and it

470

:

contributed significantly to a decline

in strikes and overall union power.

471

:

In the subsequent decades that we feel

to this day, the economic outcomes

472

:

of Reaganomics remain one of the most

hotly debated aspects of his presidency.

473

:

Supporters point to the taming

of inflation, which had plagued

474

:

the economy of the 1970s,

dropping from a high of 13.5%,

475

:

the 1980 to 4.1%

476

:

by 1988.

477

:

They also highlight a period

of strong economic growth,

478

:

particularly from 1983 onwards.

479

:

As well as substantial job

creation, around 20 million

480

:

new jobs during his tenure.

481

:

The Cato Institute, for

example, argues that quote, real

482

:

economic growth averaged 3.2%

483

:

during the Reagan years, and that

the real median family income

484

:

grew by $4,000 during that period.

485

:

End quote.

486

:

However, critics including

organizations like the Economic Policy

487

:

Institute paint a different picture.

488

:

They emphasized the dramatic

explosion of the national debt,

489

:

which nearly tripled in nominal terms

from approximately 997 billion when

490

:

Reagan took office to around 2.85

491

:

trillion.

492

:

By the time he left, this was fueled

by a combination of large tax cuts

493

:

and significant increases in military

spending without corresponding cuts

494

:

in overall government spending.

495

:

Critics also point to a sharp increase

in income inequality with the wealthiest

496

:

Americans, seeing substantial gains

while wages for many workers and

497

:

middle class families stagnated.

498

:

Even declined in real terms.

499

:

Economist Paul Krugman reflecting

this view, wrote that quote.

500

:

While the rich got much richer,

there was little sustained economic

501

:

improvement for most Americans.

502

:

The debate over whether the

benefits of Reaganomics truly

503

:

trickled down continues to this day.

504

:

Just ask your parents

505

:

on the world stage.

506

:

President Reagan sought to restore

American strength and confront the

507

:

Soviet Union head on with renewed vigor.

508

:

His foreign policy was characterized by

a significant military buildup and a more

509

:

assertive, often ideological posture.

510

:

The guiding principle was what he

called peace through strength, and

511

:

Reagan authorized a massive increase

in defense spending, arguing that

512

:

a strong military was the essential

thing to deter Soviet aggression and

513

:

protect American interests globally.

514

:

In a famous 1983 speech, he dramatically

labeled the Soviet Union as an evil empire

515

:

signaling a sharp departure from the

policy of Deante that had characterized

516

:

much of the relations of the 1970s, and

it was a return to a more confrontational.

517

:

Earlier era, cold War rhetoric.

518

:

One of the most ambitious and

controversial elements of his

519

:

foreign policy was the Strategic

Defense Initiative, SDI, which

520

:

was announced in March of 1983.

521

:

Quickly dubbed Star Wars by the

media SDI proposed the development

522

:

of a space-based missile defense

system capable of intercepting and

523

:

destroying incoming Soviet nuclear

missiles, potentially using lasers.

524

:

And other advanced technologies.

525

:

No wonder they called it Star Wars

Critics questioned its immense cost, its

526

:

technological feasibility, and warned that

it could destabilize the nuclear balance.

527

:

It could escalate the arms

race by violating the:

528

:

anti-ballistic missile treaty.

529

:

Supporters, however, argued that SDI

was a visionary attempt to render

530

:

nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete,

and that it put immense pressure on

531

:

the Soviet Union contributing to its

eventual economic strain and collapse.

532

:

I.

533

:

Central to Reagan's anti-communist

strategy was the Reagan doctrine.

534

:

A policy of providing overt and covert

aid to anti-communist resistance

535

:

movements, often termed freedom

fighters around the world, and it

536

:

aimed at rolling back Soviet influence

abroad, for example, in Afghanistan.

537

:

The US significantly increased support

for the rebels fighting against the

538

:

Soviet occupation that began in 1979.

539

:

This support is often credited

with bringing and helping to bog

540

:

down Soviet forces contributing

to their eventual withdrawal.

541

:

Afghanistan was the

Soviet Union's Vietnam.

542

:

There was also the example of Nicaragua,

where the Reagan administration

543

:

covertly supported the contr rebels

who were fighting to overthrow

544

:

the leftist San Anisa government.

545

:

This support was highly controversial

and became the focal point of the Iran

546

:

Contra affair, but more on that later,

there was also the case of Granada.

547

:

In October, 1983, US forces invaded

the small Caribbean island of

548

:

Granada to oust a Marxist regime

that had recently seized power.

549

:

An action.

550

:

The Reagan administration justified as

preventing the island from becoming a.

551

:

Soviet Cuban base.

552

:

The Reagan doctrine, however, led to one

of the biggest scandals of his presidency.

553

:

I just mentioned it,

the Iran Contra affair.

554

:

This complex and covert operation involved

the secret sale of arms to Iran at the

555

:

time, an avowed enemy of the United

States, and a designated state sponsor

556

:

of terrorism in the hopes that securing

the release of American hostages.

557

:

Being held in Lebanon

by pro Iranian groups.

558

:

The proceed from these arm sales were

then illegally diverted to fund the

559

:

Nicaraguan Contras in direct violation

of the Boland amendment passed by

560

:

Congress, which prohibited such aid.

561

:

I.

562

:

Key figures in orchestrating these

activities included National Security

563

:

Council staffer, Lieutenant Colonel Oliver

North, and National Security Advisors,

564

:

Robert McFarland and John Poindexter.

565

:

When the affair became public

in late:

566

:

major political crisis in a

televised address to the nation.

567

:

On March 4th, 1987, president

Reagan addressed the findings

568

:

of the Tower Commission.

569

:

Took full responsibility for the

actions of his administration,

570

:

but also would maintain that

some activities were undertaken.

571

:

Without his direct knowledge, the Iran

Contra affair significantly damaged the

572

:

Reagan administration's credibility.

573

:

It's actually quite a shock that

he even remained as president, and

574

:

it raised serious constitutional

questions about the executive power and

575

:

accountability, and it led to several

indictments and convictions, though

576

:

some were later overturned or pardoned.

577

:

Despite the scandal, the latter years

of Reagan's presidency were marked by a

578

:

dramatic thawing in US Soviet relations.

579

:

And this had a lot to do with the rise

of Mikhail Gorbachev as the reformist

580

:

leader of the Soviet Union in 1985.

581

:

And this created a new dynamic.

582

:

Reagan initially deeply skeptical of

Soviet intentions, developed a working

583

:

friendly relationship with Gorbachev.

584

:

There four summit meetings in the

landmark signing of the intermediate

585

:

range nuclear forces INF Treaty in

:

586

:

of nuclear weapons were a crucial

step towards ending the Cold War.

587

:

I.

588

:

Historians continue to debate Reagan's

precise role in winning the Cold War,

589

:

though some credit his military buildup,

his strong anti-communist rhetoric and

590

:

Star Wars SDI, with placing unbearable

pressure on a teetering on the brink

591

:

of economic collapse Soviet system.

592

:

Others emphasize the internal economic

and political weaknesses of the Soviet

593

:

Union as the catalyst, the crucial

reforms initiated by Gorbachev like Glass

594

:

Nost and Paris Troika, as well as the

agency of popular movements in Eastern

595

:

Europe that threw off Soviet domination.

596

:

Many scholars conclude that it was a

complex interplay of these factors.

597

:

The end of the Cold War was less

of a unilateral victory and more

598

:

of a multifaceted process involving

Reagan's evolving approach from

599

:

confrontation to engagement.

600

:

I.

601

:

Gorbachev's, bold internal reforms

driven by systemic soviet weaknesses,

602

:

and the powerful desire for freedom among

many of the peoples of Eastern Europe

603

:

the 1980s were not just about.

604

:

Economic policy and superpower rivalries.

605

:

Deep cultural fissures continue to

divide the nation, often pitting

606

:

socially conservative values against

emerging liberal and secular trends.

607

:

These conflicts became known then

as they are now as the culture wars.

608

:

One of the most devastating

and politicized crises of the

609

:

era was the AIDS epidemic.

610

:

First identified in 1981, acquired

immune deficiency syndrome AIDS

611

:

disproportionately affected gay men in

its early years, leading to widespread

612

:

fear, misinformation, and tragic stigma.

613

:

The Reagan administration's response was

widely criticized by activists and public

614

:

health officials as slow, underfunded,

and hampered by moral condemnation.

615

:

From some conservative quarters as our

textbook notes, quote, AIDS sufferers

616

:

fought for recognition of the disease

magnitude, petitioned for research

617

:

funds, and battled against popular

stigma associated with the disease end.

618

:

Quote.

619

:

Groups like ACT Up the AIDS Coalition

to Unleash Power was formed in

620

:

1987 and it used confrontational

direct action to demand government

621

:

action to demand research funding,

and an end to the discrimination.

622

:

The AIDS crisis had a profound

societal impact, eventually leading to

623

:

greater public awareness and medical

advancement, but not before tens of

624

:

thousands of lives were lost, and

the gay community endured immense

625

:

suffering and prejudice because of it.

626

:

Another front of the culture

war was popular music.

627

:

In 1985.

628

:

A prominent group of women, including

Tipper Gore, the wife of then Senator

629

:

Al Gore and Susan Baker, wife of then

Treasury Secretary James Baker, formed

630

:

the Parents Music Resource Center.

631

:

I.

632

:

They expressed alarm over what they

perceived as increasingly explicit themes

633

:

of sex, violence, drug use, and occultism

in popular music, particularly in rock and

634

:

emerging genres like heavy metal and rap.

635

:

Susan Baker testified

before the Senate quote.

636

:

There certainly are many causes

for these ills in our society,

637

:

but it is our contention that the

pervasive message is aimed at children

638

:

which promote and glorify suicide.

639

:

And so on have to be numbered

among the contributing factors.

640

:

End quote.

641

:

The PMRC as it came to be known,

targeted artists like Prince Madonna,

642

:

Judas Priest, and Twisted Sister, and

it led to highly publicized Senate

643

:

hearings and ultimately to the music

industry's voluntary adoption of the.

644

:

And you've probably seen it.

645

:

Parental advisory, explicit lyrics,

the labels they put on albums.

646

:

This was a clear example of the culture

wars playing out in the realm of artistic

647

:

expression in freedom of speech and

parental concerns over youth culture.

648

:

President Reagan sought to a.

649

:

A reshape the federal judiciary

by appointing judges who adhered

650

:

to the philosophy of conservative

judicial restraint and a strict

651

:

interpretation of the Constitution.

652

:

His most notable Supreme Court

appointments included Sandra Day O'Connor

653

:

in 1981, the first woman to serve on

the high court, the elevation of William

654

:

Rehnquist as Chief Justice in 1986, and

ointment of Antonin Scalia in:

655

:

Who became a leading conservative

intellectual voice on the court, the

656

:

intensely publicized and ultimately

failed Senate confirmation battle over

657

:

Robert Borks nomination in 1987, starkly

highlighted the high stakes in the

658

:

deep ideological divisions surrounding

judicial appointments in this era.

659

:

The 1980s also saw rising

critiques of multiculturalism

660

:

from some conservative circles.

661

:

Concerns were voiced that an emphasis

on diverse cultural identities

662

:

was undermining national unity.

663

:

It was eroding shared American values

and leading to the social fragmentation.

664

:

The.

665

:

An Australian historian named Jeffrey

Blaney, for example, warned that

666

:

multiculturalism could transform a

nation into a quote cluster of tribes.

667

:

A sentiment that found echoes among

American conservatives who feared I.

668

:

Felt a loss of cohesive national identity.

669

:

These simmering cultural

tensions found a powerful, if not

670

:

controversial voice in Patrick J.

671

:

Buchanan.

672

:

A conservative commentator in a

former White House aide Buchanan,

673

:

ran for the Republican presidential

nomination in:

674

:

in his bid to be president.

675

:

He delivered a memorable and fiery

address at the Republican National

676

:

Convention that year explicitly declaring

a culture war for the Soul of America.

677

:

Quote, there is a religious war going on

in our country for the soul of America.

678

:

It is a cultural war as critical

to the kind of nation we will one

679

:

day be as the Cold War itself.

680

:

End quote.

681

:

Buchanan speech framed American

political divisions in starkly

682

:

moral and cultural terms.

683

:

He identified issues like abortion, gay

rights, feminism, and multiculturalism

684

:

as the key battlegrounds in the

struggle for America's identity.

685

:

His rhetoric solidified

the culture war narrative.

686

:

A.

687

:

Framework that would continue to

shape and often polarize American

688

:

political discourse to this day.

689

:

The conservative revival of the 1970s

and eighties, often encapsulated by

690

:

the term Reagan revolution, was more

than just a passing political phase.

691

:

It marked a profound and lasting

shift in American politics,

692

:

society, and economic thought.

693

:

Its echoes, resonate.

694

:

Powerfully today shaping the

contours of our contemporary debate.

695

:

So when we assess the triumph of the

right, what did it actually achieve?

696

:

The new Wright and Reagan

administration could certainly

697

:

claim significant victories.

698

:

Economically.

699

:

They delivered substantial

tax cuts, most notably.

700

:

Through their Economic Recovery Tax

Act of:

701

:

of 1986, they pursued widespread

deregulation across numerous industries.

702

:

The judiciary was shifted in

a more conservative direction

703

:

through key appointments.

704

:

I.

705

:

Inflation, which had ravaged the economy

in the seventies was brought under

706

:

control, and the economy experienced

a significant period of growth in the

707

:

mid eighties and in foreign policy.

708

:

Many conservatives pointed to the collapse

of the Soviet Union and end of the

709

:

Cold War as the ultimate validation of

Reagan's peace through strength approach.

710

:

However, the triumph was not absolute

particularly concerning the social

711

:

agenda of the religious right.

712

:

Despite their considerable political

influence, many of their most

713

:

cherished goals remained elusive.

714

:

As the textbook notes, many core

social welfare programs established

715

:

during The New Deal and great society

such as Social Security, Medicare,

716

:

and Medicaid, largely survived the

Reagan years, albeit sometimes with

717

:

modifications or reduced funding.

718

:

Landmark Supreme Court

decisions like Roe V.

719

:

Wade, a primary target

for social conservatives.

720

:

It was not overturned during this period.

721

:

Efforts to legislate certain family

values, such as mandatory prayer

722

:

in public school face significant

constitutional and popular resistance.

723

:

Furthermore, as the 1980s, drew to a

close, many conservative Christians felt

724

:

that popular culture had become even

more vulgar and hostile to their values

725

:

than they had been a decade before.

726

:

The national debt, which Reagan

had pledged to reduce, had instead

727

:

ballooned to unprecedented levels

due the, to the combination of tax

728

:

cuts and increased defense spending.

729

:

So while the political and economic

landscape undoubtedly shifted right

730

:

word, deeply entrenched social norms,

legal precedents regarding individual

731

:

liberties and the complexities of a

pluralistic society meant that the

732

:

conservative social victory was.

733

:

Incomplete leading to ongoing culture wars

rather than a settled conservative order.

734

:

Perhaps the most enduring legacy

of the conservative revival was a

735

:

fundamental political realignment.

736

:

In the United States, the solid south,

it was once a bedrock of the Democratic

737

:

Party and it continued its decades long

shift to become a Republican stronghold

738

:

that it is today a transformation that

was accelerated in the:

739

:

rights movements, but it solidified during

the Reagan years, the mobilization of

740

:

Evangelical and fundamentalist Christians,

groups like the moral majority.

741

:

Transform the religious right into a

powerful and indispensable pillar of

742

:

the Republican Party coalition, ensuring

that the social and moral issues

743

:

would remain central to its platform

and to the national political debate.

744

:

The ideological battle sharpened during

this era contributed significantly

745

:

to the increasing political

polarization of American society.

746

:

The clear distinctions drawn by the new

right between conservative and liberal

747

:

values and the often confrontational

rhetoric of the cultural wars made

748

:

bipartisan compromise more difficult

and contributed to the deeply divided

749

:

political landscape that we see today.

750

:

I.

751

:

For those of us living today,

the conservative revival of the

752

:

late 20th century was a watershed

moment in American history.

753

:

It didn't just change election outcomes.

754

:

It fundamentally reshaped the terms

of the political debates, and it

755

:

reshaped the role of the government,

the nation's economic trajectory

756

:

and its posture on the world stage.

757

:

The arguments ignited during this era.

758

:

Over the size and scope of the government,

the meaning of economic fairness.

759

:

The nature of American foreign policy

and the definition of core cultural

760

:

values are not relics of a bygone era.

761

:

They are, in many ways, the very fabric

of our political discourse today.

762

:

The questions raised with such force in

the seventies and the:

763

:

balance of between individual liberty and

collective responsibility, the definition

764

:

of American identity in an increasingly

diverse nation, the pursuit of economic

765

:

opportunity for all and America's

role in a complex global landscape

766

:

remain profoundly relevant today.

767

:

The triumph of the right as our textbook

chapter calls, it was indeed a triumph for

768

:

a particular set of ideas in a specific

political coag, but its legacy is an

769

:

ongoing story, an unfinished chapter

in the continuing American experience.

770

:

I'm Dr.

771

:

G.

772

:

I'll see y'all in the past.

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About the Podcast

Star-Spangled Studies
Star-Spangled Studies is a college-level U.S. history podcast created by professional historian Dr. G—built for students, teachers, and curious listeners alike. Season 1 covers the era from 1865 to the present, using The American Yawp, a free and open educational resource (OER) textbook, as its guide. Each episode unpacks key events, movements, and ideas that shaped the modern United States—through rich narrative, scholarly insight, and accessible storytelling.

Whether you're enrolled in a course or exploring history on your own, you’ll get clear, engaging episodes that follow the chapters of The American Yawp. Bring your curiosity, download the textbook, and join Dr. G for a star-spangled journey through American history.

Free. Accessible. Thought-provoking.
This is your front-row seat to the story of the United States.
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